European Technical Democracy? How Consumer Associations Did-or Did Not-Shape the 1980s Automotive Environmental Standards.

Did the 1980s automotive standards reflect the European Economic Community's move toward a "technical democracy" or a broader democratic deficit? In the early 1980s, Europe's automotive sector faced multiple challenges: the European Commission's desire to harmonize technical standards and achieve greater European integration, intense competition between manufacturers, and environmental issues like acid rain. Debates on reducing air pollution focused on unleaded petrol and catalytic converters. Two associations representing civil society in Brussels responded to the increase in environmental concerns with a 1982 joint campaign. Despite a rich historiography on pollutant emission standards, highlighting the strategies of governments and companies, no study has dealt with the role nongovernmental organizations played. Based on public and private archives, particularly those of the European Bureau of Consumers' Unions, this article argues the new regulations did not result from the EU's consultation with civil society organizations like consumer groups but rather with the automotive industry.

Mixture toxicity, cumulative risk, and environmental justice in United States federal policy, 1980-2016 : Why, with much known, was little done?

Toxic chemicals - "toxicants" - have been studied and regulated as single entities, and, carcinogens aside, almost all toxicants, single or mixed and however altered, have been thought harmless in very low doses or very weak concentrations. Yet much work in recent decades has shown that toxicants can injure wildlife, laboratory animals, and humans following exposures previously expected to be harmless. Additional work has shown that toxicants can act not only individually and cumulatively but also collectively and even synergistically and that they affect disadvantaged communities inordinately - and therefore, as argued by reformers, unjustly. As late as December 2016, the last full month before the inauguration of a president promising to rescind major environmental regulations, the United States federal environmental-health establishment, as led by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), had not developed coherent strategies to mitigate such risks, to alert the public to their plausibility, or to advise leadership in government and industry about their implications. To understand why, we examined archival materials, reviewed online databases, read internal industry communications, and interviewed experts. We confirmed that external constraints, statutory and judicial, had been in place prior to EPA's earliest interest in mixture toxicity, but we found no overt effort, certainly no successful effort, to loosen those constraints. We also found internal constraints: concerns that fully committing to the study of complex mixtures involving numerous toxicants would lead to methodological drift within the toxicological community and that trying to act on insights from such study could lead only to regulatory futility. Interaction of these constraints, external and internal, shielded the EPA by circumscribing its responsibilities and by impeding movement toward paradigmatic adjustment, but it also perpetuated scientifically dubious policies, such as those limiting the evaluation of commercial chemical formulations, including pesticide formulations, to only those ingredients said by their manufacturers to be active. In this context, regulators' disregard of synergism contrasted irreconcilably with biocide manufacturers' understanding that synergism enhanced lethality and patentability. In the end, an effective national response to mixture toxicity, cumulative risk, and environmental injustice did not emerge. In parallel, though, the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences, which was less constrained, pursued with scientific investigation what the EPA had not pursued with regulatory action.

Da Agenda ambiental à Vigilância Ambiental: um percurso histórico e biopolítico / From the Environmental Agenda to Environmental Surveillance a historical and biopolitical path

A presente tese se propõe a traçar uma genealogia da Vigilância Ambiental no Brasil. Partindo de um conjunto de chaves interpretativas da obra do filósofo Michel Foucault, congregamos um amplo leque de fontes documentais para compreender os primeiros sinais de uma incipiente medicina preventiva e sua agenda eminentemente ambiental, ainda em um Brasil pré-imperial, e observamos suas transformações em paridade com o desenvolvimento de nossa sociedade - buscando aí encontrar o mote biopolítico, dado que a construção da nação exigia medidas sanitárias que garantissem a saúde da população, ainda que não necessariamente por questões humanitárias. Acompanhamos a transição da agenda ambiental na saúde pública, que leva em conta os impactos do meio ambiente na existência humana para o movimento reverso, quando nos damos conta de que a humanidade está provocando danos possivelmente irreversíveis ao planeta - e como essa nova fase tem afetado nossa saúde. De maneira crítica e reflexiva, discutimos a formação e a dimensão biopolítica da Vigilância Ambiental na atualidade, dispondo de maiores e melhores recursos tecnológicos, mas atuando em uma governamentalidade neoliberal de redução de direitos - que afetam, inclusive, o direito à saúde

This thesis aims to trace the genealogy of Enviromental Surveillance in Brazil. From the standpoint a set of interpretative concepts of the philosopher Michel Foucault, we convey a vast array of documental sources to comprehend the first signs of an incipient preventive care and its respectable environmental agenda, still in a pre-imperial Brazil, and we observe its transformations parallel to the development of our society - aiming to find the biopolitical mote, given that the creation of the nation required sanitation methods that could guarantee the health of the population, even though not by strictly humanitarian reasons. We follow the transtition of the environmental agenda in our public health, which takes into consideration the impact of the environment in the human existence to the reverse movement, when we come to the realization that humanity has been causing possibly irreversible damage to the environment - and due to this also affecting our health. In a critic and self-reflecting way, we discuss the formation and the dimension of biopolitics of the Enviromental Surveillance in current day society, having access to a vast array of newer and better technological resources, but acting in a neoliberal governmentality of deprivation of rights, that also affect the right to health

[Knowledge and Environment in the "Participatory Dictatorship" : Scientific Environmental Concepts and the Environmental Policy Change in the GDR]. / Wissen und Umwelt in der "partizipatorischen Diktatur" : Wissenschaftliche Umweltkonzepte und der umweltpolitische Aufbruch in der DDR.

The GDR was an ecological failed state in 1989/90. But while public input and critical environmental groups protested more openly against environmental problems during the 1980s, the established sciences remained strangely mute and appeared unable to develop appropriate approaches to solving the environmental crisis. Almost 20 years earlier, however, an environmental policy departure that was largely supported by scientific reform initiatives had begun in the GDR. The inclusion of the concept of conserving nature and the environment in the 1968 constitution and the adoption of the land improvement law two years later were the expression of a socio-political consensus on the environmental issue.How can this sharp discrepancy be explained? The article investigates the influence of scientific environmental concepts on the departure in environmental policy in the GDR. The example of scientific nature conservation, which had been institutionally anchored in the German Academy of Agricultural Sciences since 1951, shows that conservationists underwent a period of "normalization" in the 1950s, which was an essential prerequisite for giving their concerns political legitimacy. This forced adaptation process not only influenced the concepts and goals of East German nature conservation, rather also opened up participatory opportunities for its protagonists.The essay argues for a reassessment of East German environmental history, which so far has only been considered from the perspective of how it ended. Furthermore, it is argued that the conceptual concept of the "participatory dictatorship" (Fulbrook) should be applied to the history of science in the GDR in order to expand existing approaches.

Ecological shifts due to anthropogenic activities in the coastal seas of the Seto Inland Sea, Japan, since the 20th century.

Multiproxy analyses were conducted using sediment cores in a low-polluted coastal site (Hiuchi-nada) in the Seto Inland Sea (SIS), Japan. Heavy metal and organic pollution peaked in the 1960s and the bottom environments have ameliorated since the 1980s due to several environmental regulations. First ecological shifts in meiobenthic ostracodes and diatoms occurred in the 1960s due to the initiation of eutrophication. Then, a second ecological shift occurred in the 1980s due to the amelioration of the water and the bottom quality. A compilation of similar analytical results in the coastal seas of the SIS reveals three types of ecological and environmental history since the 20th century. The environmental improvement since the 1980s affects the ecosystems, in particular, in a low-polluted bay. However, ecological compositions are different from those prior to the 1960s, suggesting that the ecosystem was not recovered but changed into the next stage in the SIS.

Abuse of Rachel Carson and Misuse of DDT Science in the Service of Environmental Deregulation.

Fake news?? The contact insecticide DDT has been reappraised as a safe, life-saving compound by special interest groups committed to repealing environmental regulations. It is shown in this essay how some specific toxicological data has been misused by those aiming to disingenuously influence public policy. Graphic: Pestroy, a DDT-laced coating marketed in 1946 by Sherwin-Williams Research Laboratories.

El control de la contaminación atmosférica en México (1970-1980): tensiones y coincidencias entre el sector salud y los industriales / Tensions and coincidences between the health and industrial sectors over the control of atmospheric contamination in Mexico (1970-1980)

Una vez que el gobierno mexicano adoptó las políticas y soluciones esbozadas por organismos internacionales y países altamente industrializados, para combatir la contaminación atmosférica, en la década de l970, se pueden observar las controversias, derivadas del marco legislativo y administrativo, entre el sector salud, gestor de la calidad del aire, y los industriales, sobre los que recaían buena parte de las acciones contra la contaminación. La hipótesis es la siguiente: Los problemas actuales que enfrenta México en el manejo de la contaminación atmosférica persisten debido a que, desde sus orígenes cada sector no solamente estaba poco convencido de la relevancia del problema, sino que cada uno defendió particulares conceptos de contaminación, de gestión y uso de la tecnología, mediados por intereses económicos y políticos, que impidieron soluciones de raíz. Para confirmar lo anterior se analizan los discursos tanto de la Subsecretaria de Mejoramiento del Ambiente de la Secretaria de Salubridad y Asistencia, como de la Cámara Nacional de la Industria de Transformación y de la Subsecretaria de Industria de la Secretaría de Industria y Comercio, durante la «I Reunión Nacional sobre Problemas de Contaminación Ambiental», realizada en 1973, donde públicamente expusieron sus prioridades gremiales. Los resultados de esta investigación apuntan a comprender porque a más de cuarenta años de la institucionalización del manejo de la contaminación atmosférica en México permanece un discurso reduccionista donde el parque vehicular sigue siendo el principal responsable (AU)

n the l970s, the Mexican government adopted air pollution policies and solutions recommended by international organizations and applied in highly industrialized countries. However, this move was accompanied by controversies on the legislative and administrative framework involving healthcare, air quality management, and industrial sectors, with a large part of anti-pollution action being aimed at industry. Our hypothesis was that persistent problems with air pollution management in Mexico can be attributed to: the lack of belief in each sector on the importance of this issue from the very beginning; and the support by each sector for different concepts of pollution, management and the application of technology. Each stakeholder was driven by economic and political interests that prevented radical solutions. This hypothesis was tested by analysing speeches at the "1st National Meeting on Air Pollution Problems" in 1973, where the priorities of each sector were publicly stated by representatives from the Under-Secretariat for Environmental Improvement of the Ministry of Health and Welfare, the National Chamber of Manufacturing Industry, and the Under-Secretariat of Industry of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce. Results of this research help to explain why, despite the institutionalization of air pollution management in Mexico for more than 40 years, a simplistic discourse still prevails in which the vehicle park is considered the main cause of the problem

Assessment of vehicle emission programs in China during 1998-2013: Achievement, challenges and implications.

China has been embracing rapid motorization since the 1990s, and vehicles have become one of the major sources of air pollution problems. Since the late 1990s, thanks to the international experience, China has adopted comprehensive control measures to mitigate vehicle emissions. This study employs a local emission model (EMBEV) to assess China's first fifteen-year (1998-2013) efforts in controlling vehicles emissions. Our results show that China's total annual vehicle emissions in 2013 were 4.16 million tons (Mt) of HC, 27.4 Mt of CO, 7.72 Mt of NOX, and 0.37 Mt of PM2.5, respectively. Although vehicle emissions are substantially reduced relative to the without control scenarios, we still observe significantly higher emission density in East China than in developed countries with longer histories of vehicle emission control. This study further informs China's policy-makers of the prominent challenges to control vehicle emissions in the future. First, unlike other major air pollutants, total NOX emissions have rapidly increased due to a surge of diesel trucks and the postponed China IV standard nationwide. Simultaneous implementation of fuel quality improvements and vehicle-engine emission standards will be of great importance to alleviate NOX emissions for diesel fleets. Second, the enforcement of increasingly stringent standards should include strict oversight of type-approval conformity, in-use complacence and durability, which would help reduce gross emitters of PM2.5 that are considerable among in-use diesel fleets at the present. Third, this study reveals higher HC emissions than previous results and indicates evaporative emissions may have been underestimated. Considering that China's overall vehicle ownership is far from saturation, persistent efforts are required through economic tools, traffic management and emissions regulations to lower vehicle-use intensity and limit both exhaust and evaporative emissions. Furthermore, in light of the complex technology for emerging new energy vehicles, their real-world emissions need to be adequately evaluated before massive promotion.

How a network of conservationists and population control activists created the contemporary US anti-immigration movement.

Continuing historical narratives of the early twentieth century nexus of conservationism, eugenics, and nativism (exemplified by Madison Grant), this paper traces the history of the contemporary US anti-immigration movement's roots in environmentalism and global population control activism, through an exploration of the thoughts and activities of the activist, John Tanton, who has been called "the most influential unknown man in America." We explore the "neo-Malthusian" ideas that sparked a seminal moment for population control advocacy in the late 1960s and early 1970s, leading to the creation of Zero Population Growth (ZPG). After rising to the presidency of ZPG, Tanton, and ZPG spun off the Federation for American Immigration Reform. After leaving ZPG's leadership, Tanton created additional anti-immigration advocacy groups and built up connections with existing organizations such as the Pioneer Fund. We trace Tanton's increasingly radical conservative network of anti-immigration advocates, conservationists, and population control activists to the present day. Tanton's archived papers illustrate, among other things, his interactions with collaborators such as ecologist Garrett Hardin (author of the famous "Tragedy of the Commons") and his documented interest in reviving eugenics. We contend that this history of Tanton's network provides key insights into understanding how there came to be an overlap between the ideologies and activist communities of immigration restrictionism, population control, conservationism and eugenics.

The role of agri-environment schemes in conservation and environmental management.

Over half of the European landscape is under agricultural management and has been for millennia. Many species and ecosystems of conservation concern in Europe depend on agricultural management and are showing ongoing declines. Agri-environment schemes (AES) are designed partly to address this. They are a major source of nature conservation funding within the European Union (EU) and the highest conservation expenditure in Europe. We reviewed the structure of current AES across Europe. Since a 2003 review questioned the overall effectiveness of AES for biodiversity, there has been a plethora of case studies and meta-analyses examining their effectiveness. Most syntheses demonstrate general increases in farmland biodiversity in response to AES, with the size of the effect depending on the structure and management of the surrounding landscape. This is important in the light of successive EU enlargement and ongoing reforms of AES. We examined the change in effect size over time by merging the data sets of 3 recent meta-analyses and found that schemes implemented after revision of the EU's agri-environmental programs in 2007 were not more effective than schemes implemented before revision. Furthermore, schemes aimed at areas out of production (such as field margins and hedgerows) are more effective at enhancing species richness than those aimed at productive areas (such as arable crops or grasslands). Outstanding research questions include whether AES enhance ecosystem services, whether they are more effective in agriculturally marginal areas than in intensively farmed areas, whether they are more or less cost-effective for farmland biodiversity than protected areas, and how much their effectiveness is influenced by farmer training and advice? The general lesson from the European experience is that AES can be effective for conserving wildlife on farmland, but they are expensive and need to be carefully designed and targeted.

El Papel de los Esquemas Agro-Ambientales en la Conservación y el Manejo Ambiental Batáry et al. Resumen Más de la mitad de las tierras europeas está bajo manejo agrícola y así ha sido durante milenios. Muchas especies y ecosistemas de interés de conservación en Europa dependen del manejo agrícola y están mostrando una declinación continua. Los esquemas agro-ambientales (EAA) están diseñados en parte para encarar esto. Los esquemas son una gran fuente de financiamiento para la conservación dentro de la Unión Europea (UE) y el mayor gasto de conservación en Europa. Revisamos la estructura de los EAA actuales a lo largo del continente. Desde que en 2003 una revisión cuestionó la efectividad general de los EAA para la biodiversidad, ha habido una plétora de estudios de caso y meta-análisis que examinan su efectividad. La mayoría de las síntesis demuestran un incremento general en la biodiversidad de las tierras de cultivo en respuesta a los EAA, con la magnitud del efecto dependiente de la estructura y el manejo del terreno circundante. Esto es importante a la luz del crecimiento sucesivo de la UE y las continuas reformas a los EAA. Examinamos el cambio en la magnitud del efecto a través del tiempo al fusionar los conjuntos de datos de tres meta-análisis recientes y encontramos que los esquemas implementados después de la revisión de los programas agro-ambientales de la UE en 2007 no fueron más efectivos que los esquemas implementados antes de la revisión. Además, los esquemas enfocados en las áreas fuera de producción (como los márgenes de campo y los setos vivos) son más efectivos en el mejoramiento de la riqueza de especies que aquellos enfocados en las áreas productivas (como los cultivos arables y los pastizales). Las preguntas sobresalientes de la investigación incluyen si los EAA mejoran los servicios ambientales, si son más efectivos en las áreas agrícolas marginales que en las áreas de cultivo intensivo, si son más o menos rentables para la biodiversidad de las tierras de cultivo que las áreas protegidas, y en cuánto influye sobre su efectividad los consejos y el entrenamiento dado a los granjeros. La lección general de la experiencia europea es que los EAA pueden ser efectivos para la conservación de la vida silvestre en las tierras de cultivo, pero son caros y necesitan ser diseñados y enfocados cuidadosamente.

Marine legislation--the ultimate 'horrendogram': international law, European directives & national implementation.

The EU is a pre-eminent player in sustainable development, adopting more than 200 pieces of legislation that have direct repercussions for marine environmental policy and management. Over five decades, measures have aimed to protect the marine environment by tackling the impact of human activities, but maritime affairs have been dealt with by separate sectoral policies without fully integrating all relevant sectors. Such compartmentalisation has resulted in a patchwork of EU legislation and resultant national legislation leading to a piecemeal approach to marine protection. These are superimposed on international obligations emanating from UN and other bodies and are presented here as complex 'horrendograms' showing the complexity across vertical governance. These horrendograms have surprised marine experts despite them acknowledging the many uses and users of the marine environment. Encouragingly since 2000, the evolution in EU policy has progressed to more holistic directives and here we give an overview of this change.